Underlying the debates over how to resolve Greece's debt
crisis is the assumption that the country’s debt poses a risk to the
credibility and strength of Europe. On that premise, the looming insolvency of
Greece’s banks seems to beckon the unraveling of European integration.
Terry Vassalos at the counter. Photo courtesy of Tip Top. |
From the corner booth of his perpetually crowded restaurant,
Tip Top, Terry Vassalos too is worried about Europe. But debt? Not so much. Debt is what keeps his restaurant full. “Four
or five years ago one of our customers, an older guy read in the newspaper that
Carmax was opening in the area. He must have assumed that they were taking over
our location. He walked in the door and in
the middle of a full house he started cussing me out ‘I cannot believe you sold
the restaurant.’ He didn’t give me time to explain. ‘I come here every day and
you sold the restaurant. No respect.’ Finally I said to him, ‘no I didn’t. It’s
next door.’ It was at that moment that he realized the deep network of
obligation he had fostered over the fifteen years he has owned Tip Top. Yes,
he’s running a business where you give money in exchange for a meal but the
contract of hospitality doesn’t end with check when you’re building a community.
The warmth of that community, however, doesn’t blind him to the woes of Europe
and his home country of Greece.
At the end of January the SYRIZA party came to power
promising the end to austerity measures (including higher taxes and cuts to
public spending) imposed as a condition of the country’s bailout in the wake of
the European debt crisis in 2010. This reversal on the country’s commitments to
international creditors came just as the country’s latest bailout agreement was
set to expire on Feb 28. The pressure to come to an agreement on the terms for
disbursement of the last bailout tranche before the end of the month was
bearing down on both parties as Greece’s banks would quickly become insolvent without
new credit (debt).
When I met with Terry last week there was still uncertainty
over whether Greece would reach consensus with its European creditors, who were
calling for a renewal of the lending program. On the other hand Greece’s
finance minister, Yanis Varoufakis, who attributes the country’s “humanitarian
crisis” to the austerity measures was resistant to the idea of taking out
another loan with the imposed reforms. He was fighting for a renegotiation ofthe whole bailout: “Would you advise them that they should continue to take
these tranches of loans from the credit card in order to deal with what is
essentially an insolvency problem?” As the auditors responsible for ensuring
the Greek government meets the reform demands of the bailout, the troika—the
European Commission, the European Central Bank, and the IMF—has become the
focus of the country’s ire.
Terry is sensitive to the consequences of the austerity
measures on his family still living in Greece and the country as a whole. He
notes that his sister and brother are seeing their retirement benefits cut.
They avoid using their cars as much as they can with oil prices skyrocketing. “This
country deserves much more than where it is now.” But Terry locates the origins
of Greece’s current trouble to a period way before the last five years of
supervision by the troika. He points to years of corruption at the government
level that has trickled down to make bribery and payoffs a constant part of his
family’s business life.
But he is hopeful that SYRIZA’s election will herald a new
beginning in politics. “One thing for sure is the new government is not
corrupt. They’re never been in power. They have enthusiasm.”
That enthusiasm has been worrying Greece’s European
creditors who have been stressing that the country is bound to repay the loans
by the rules of the market. Whatever freewheeling leftist ideas SYRIZA may have
a democratic mandate for, finance ministers from Eurozone countries (which own
60% of Greece’s debt) insist that the many rounds of bailout loans are a
contract established in the free marketplace. A market where you cannot trust
the other actors to pay their debts is one without credibility, or so the
mantra goes. And who’s going to invest in a market without credibility? This is
where the language around the economy reveals that it is a fragile construction
based on confidence. Among other things, markets only work if investors have
confidence that debts will be repaid. If Greece defaulted on its loan payments,
it would break that underlying premise and “Grexit” would have been the only
option.
When I asked Terry for his predictions on an outcome to the
negotiations he told me about his last visit to Greece two months ago. “The oil
price was $7/gallon. Heating oil was $5/gallon. They’re not buying it. They’re
not going to buy if they don’t have the money. Everyone knows Greece cannot
repay loans. You can’t beat a dead horse. You have to give them a break.” The suggestion
that Greece default on its loans seems pretty radical (until you realize ajubilee isn’t just a feature of the bible).
After all the idea that one must pay one’s debt is ingrained
into our conception of market exchange. But it carries such weight because, as anthropologist David
Graeber points out, “it’s not actually an economic statement: it’s a moral
statement.” In other words it’s not a given that borrowers must pay back their
debts incurred on the market. It requires heavy reinforcement by our moral code.
Debt becomes inherently bad when leaders draw on regional stereotypes to
explain the crisis as a struggle between irresponsible borrowers and prudent
lenders. In this line of thinking austerity measures must be painful. They are
penance for accumulating debt.
Of course as many have pointed out, an irresponsible borrower is only possible with an irresponsible lender.
It is only through taking the risk inherent in investment that production and
growth is possible. Credit or debt relationships enable investment and
production. So what is the productivity of Greek debt? According to Terry, bailing
out Greece represents an investment in the European project: the conceit that
shared prosperity builds peace and democracy. It’s a risky investment but one
that Terry believes in.
Terry points out that the strategy behind European loans to
Greece is multifarious. “What they have done so that the European banks do not
go bankrupt is to loan them [the Greek government] more money so they can pay
the interest back.” This echoes arguments made since 2012 that loans to Greece
represent a bailout of its creditor countries. Ultimately, the benefits of these loans are intended to bolster Europe as a
whole not just the immediate recipient.
When Terry brings up Germany’s occupation of Greece during
World War II, he isn’t calling for reparations. Many have pointed out the
futility of blaming others for the current state of Greece.
He’s well aware of the damage that generations of government corruption have
wreaked on his country. No, he harkens back to the history of loans and debts
made between European countries to give context to the current discussions. “I
mean that’s in the past but it’s not so far in the past.”
There are debts at the heart of the European project and accounts
don’t balance out when people are involved. Debts create enduring social bonds.
Currently Greece’s debt crisis is testing the strength of
those bonds. Terry understands the argument that reducing Greece's debt might
damage Europe's credibility by undercutting the truism that debts will be paid.
But by acting as Germany's debt collector, he feels the Eurogroup is compromising the interests of the Greek people. “How can you say you’re bringing growth
across Europe when there are so many poor people? Isn’t that the point of the
Eurozone, that we’re stronger together?”*
A moralized understanding of debt makes shared prosperity
seem impossible. It reduces the debate to two options: European growth against
Greek growth. The two should be intertwined, at least according to the
principals of the European project. In this ambiguous statement German Chancellor Angela Merkel seems to agree: “but one must add that Europe’s credibility depends
on sticking to the rules and that we are reliable for each other.”
So how do you bring about shared prosperity? Terry freely
admits that he doesn’t have the answer. Instead he offers a reminder of the
risk inherent in investing. “I think they have to be more flexible. You invest
your money and then it’s going to take time to get it back. Maybe it’s going to
take a bit longer.” The European community took a risk on Germany; it took a
risk on Ireland etc. These credit debt relations have been productive and they
have the potential to bring about further prosperity that is fundamentally
shared.
Back at Tip Top, Terry Vassalos is pointing to a corner
table where residents from a retirement home in the area eat twice, if not three
times a day, every day of the week. “I don’t understand why because I love this
place too but I cannot go to one place everyday. But it’s ok they know people.
They meet people.” Together they are swapping
cold weather horror stories, bemoaning the latest road construction mayhem, and
imagining the new and improved downtown cinema. Seems like the perfect incubator for negotiating
a shared prosperity. Wishful thinking? Well, have you tasted their buckwheat
pancakes?
*This gets to the question of whether individuals should be
held responsible for repaying government debt through austerity measures in
order to, so the argument goes, keep the markets, banks and economy going.
Terry Vassolos was a great source for this story
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